Chapter 1, control, made to measure

Chapter 2, administrative apartheid

Chapter 3,Mobil Surveillance of Foreigners

Chapter 4, Own people, first or last?

Chapter 5, Exclusion as an ideological instrument

Chapter 6, And technology, it grew on ...

Own people, first or last?

Refugees are not considered as citizens. States do not view them as their property, which then also means they do not have to be protected. In the thirties they were registered and treated in a different way from Dutch citizens and when the war breaks out in 1939, the distrust against them grows.

Even with the persecution of jews there is still a difference being made between jewish refugees and Dutch jews. Concerning the anti-jewish measures the Dutch authorities are of the opinion: own people last, foreign jews go first.

men of paper

Ruling of the Accountancy of Population in 1936: 'A person who is born in the Netherlands, lives there, or takes up one's residence, has to be registered on a personal card.' The new personal card will follow the person from 'the cradle to the grave'. When the person moves, leaves the country or passes away, it will all be noted on the card.
The inventor of the card, Lentz, director of the Governmental Inspection Service Population Registers, had wanted more. There was more than enough space on the card to register if the person concerned had 'a hare-lip, nomadic inclinations, was receiving pension, deficient, infertile, blind, pauper, put in ward'. It would not come to that, but a contemporary of Lentz noticed triumphantly that: "Nowhere in the world one can find a population register which, in completeness and accu- racy, can compare to ours".
Lentz's paper person -the Dutch citizen- is not only regis- tered on a personal card. S/He lives in house as well, which is also registered in a different housing register. Not regis- tered in the Housing Register are vagabonds and tramps, since they do not live in a house, but they do live within the boundaries of the country. They are not very steadfast and move a lot, the same goes for gypsies and people living in caravans. Do they actually have a nationality? And to which state do they belong?
And then there are the refugees. In the twenties they mostly come from Eastern Europe. They are Polish jews and stateless jews, who became stateless in wars where existing states vanished and new ones arose. After 1933 more and more German jews are coming, but also still Polish jews, not being welcome in Germany. They are not very welcome in the Netherlands either. The Polish even less than the Germans, since they are poorer. Not a lot of them have work. If they do, then it is hardly in their advantage. Because if refugees are working then Dutch citizens are not. They, the foreigners, take the work from the Dutch. That is why, in 1934, a Bill for foreign employees is introduced, the 'Bill for Arrangement of Labour by Foreigners'. When in a certain branch of industry Dutch employees are available they will be given preference to the foreigners. Own people first, so to say. Work is a problem, but not having work also, because without work you do not have 'sufficient means of living'. This in turn will lead to prob- lems with your residence permit. If you do not have a resi- dence permit, you are illegal etc. etc...

Dachau number 2

19 december 1938 the department of Internal Affairs decrees a 'registration for jewish and non-arian refugees'. The decree is in order for refugees coming into the Netherlands after march 1, 1938. This date is not chosen randomly. In march a massive exodus has begun of jews from Austria, that has just been annexed by the Germans. After the 'Kristallnacht' in november 1938 large numbers of jews from Germany follow. These 'jewish and so-called non-arian refugees' are not regis- tered in the population register for the first five years of their residence in the Netherlands. For them no personal card in the communal population register, but they do get different cards in a different personal register. Light green for men and pink cards for women.1
If you were living in a camp, you were usually registered twice to be on the safe side, once in the campregistration and once in the registration for refugees of the community where the camp was. In Amsterdam this was the case with the people living in the erstwhile quarantine institution on the Zeebur- gerdijk.2 First German jewish children had stayed there under the supervision of the Ministry of the Interior. Later two hundred adult refugees came. They had legally entered the Netherlands, that is to say they had already gotten permission to enter the Netherlands through an official borderpost with Germany. Because of this, they were under the responsibility of the Ministry of Interior (illegal refugees were the respon- sibility of the Ministry of Justice).3 Despite their official status they were heavily guarded: the outside of the camp by the police of Amsterdam, the inside by governmental village police men (rijksveldwachters).
In a report about the camp, an inspector of police writes: 'With respect to the new inhabitants of the camp other - stricter- security measures will have to be in operation than those for children. (...) It will be supervised that no per- sons from outside the gate will keep contact with the inhabit- ants of the camp, while irregular leave of the people living in the camp will be countered.'4 You were only allowed to leave the camp at certain occasions and with a valid identification paper from the commander of the camp. If you went outside without permission, then expulsion threatened: to the country of origin. Your future was full of uncertainties. Even if you had legally entered the country, the best you could hope for was a residence permit of ten to thirty days. After that term the foreigners police would evaluate each time anew, if you could stay.
If you were illegally residing in the Netherlands, things were looking even worse. If you were held somewhere, you could be sure of expulsion to the murderous country of origin. If you were a legal illegal immigrant, that is not having a residence permit but being known to the authorities, then you would end up in a camp under the surveillance of the Ministry of Jus- tice. Expulsion was not out of the question. Erwin Kumpelmacher was an illegal refugee. Initially he stayed in a pension in Amsterdam until he had to report to the foreigners police. 'In a back alley I see a number of busses standing, which makes me think.' The thing he is scared of, actually happens: he and hundreds of others are loaded into the busses and have to leave Amsterdam. They have no idea where they are going to. To the east, that at least is clear. Germany, is the worst fear of Kumpelmacher. Eventually, after a ten hours drive, they come to Veenhuizen, where they are put in the internment camp Norg. Windows with bars in front, gates and fences with barbed wire. 'Dachau number 2, somebody said behind me.'5

Every 'jewish and non-arian refugee' was registered once, twice , sometimes threefold on different cards since the Regulation of december 1938. Illegal refugees did not bring it that far though. They were virtually nameless, somewhere in a camp in Veenhuizen or a school in Reuver. Usually they were just temporarily entered in the camp registration and then with a flick of a pen deleted again. Arrived from where? And often disappeared again, without leaving a trace. Especially the Governmental Service for Foreigners was keen on not officially registering illegal foreigners. The Service was afraid that their expulsion would be made more difficult when they were registered. They might try to obtain rights from registration.

Non-registration of illegal and separate registration of legal refugees, of course meant the loss of uniformity in the Dutch Population Register. This while the inventor, Lentz, had set up the accounting system so that every individual, every group could be fitted in, without any major problems. But Lentz also thought, like the Governmental Service for Foreigners, that registration was a privilege, not in the reach of everyone. One became a citizen through registration and through regis- tration a piece of the state itself; property that should be defended against intruders.

War in Europe

In september 1939 war is over Europe, again. One of the many measures taken is the furnishing of distribution papers. Again the position of legal, illegal, stateless and therefor right- less refugees is questioned. Every Dutch citizen got a dis- tribution master card6 with which supplies could be obtained. Besides that owning such a card meant that one was registered in the population register.
And the refugees? They were not registered in the population register. Did they have to live of the air, did they not need a distribution card? Of course they did, the distribution was for everyone, no distinction was made, everyone has to eat. So there had to come distribution cards for the refugees as well, but how? By first registering them in the population register? But then they threatened to become citizens with all kinds of rights.
On september 5 1939 Lentz writes to his 'amice' Sijdzes, director of the Amsterdam Population Register about the dis- tributions papers for refugees: 'the best thing would be to furnish them with distribution coupons every now and then. I think it would be useful, for those people to show themselves once in a while.'7 But if that is not possible, than they will be given a master card, be it a different one than for the real Dutch, with another colour.
And that is what happened. In Amsterdam the jewish refugees get a distribution card in october. The colour is different indeed: instead of green, it is red, and the provision is separated from the normal ones. The non-arian refugees can get their card in the Diamond Exchange on the Weesper square. The camp people of the Zeeburgerdijk and the guests of the Lloyd refugee hotel also have to report there. Of course they have to have an identification paper of the camp commander, to go outside the camp.
The war approaches. In april 1940 the German army invades Norway and in the Netherlands martial law is proclaimed. Fear of the strange enemy is growing and with that the distrust to everything that is foreign within the own boundaries. In Amsterdam there are 23,500 foreigners in 1940, which are controlled by the foreigners service of the police, police superintendent Stoett is in charge of 7 inspectors and 36 detectives.8 The service regularly sends its detectives into town for 'strict checks'. Especially in the areas of town where the bars are, like the Leidseplein, people are stopped and asked for papers. Especially of people who look or talk strangely, that is make the impression of being illegal.9 May 6 on the Minervaplein seventy to eighty , mostly German, refugees are arrested and taken to the police head quarters. There their papers, passports and residence permits are checked.10

War in the Netherlands

Four days later, again refugees are arrested, but this time a lot more then on may 6. The war has actually started, the Enemy has invaded the Fatherland and would without doubt, like a real Enemy, also attack from behind. Everywhere disguised agents were suspected. A foreign accent or a non-national appearance, in the eyes of the police, was enough to be arrested. Hundreds of foreign jews together with German and Dutch national-socialists were arrested in Amsterdam and detained in hangars. Others were interned in Hoorn, the former State Labour Penal Institution.
The refugees in the camps had to stay there and in some cases, like in Westerbork, it was decided to evacuate the camp. In Westerbork there were 750 legal and illegal jewish refugees, which were evacuated to Leeuwarden on may 10. As of may 11 they changed quarters continuously because: some 'showed a certain fear to harbour German jews under the circumstances'.11 Housing this group, that 'did not look particularly attractive after the hasty retreat from the camp' stayed difficult. On may 21, after roving around for almost two weeks, the company returned to Westerbork, waiting for what would happen.
In the mean while in Amsterdam, where most of the foreigners were staying, many had committed suicide since the German entry in the city of may 15. A satisfied functionary of the Einsatzkommando III der Sicherheitspolizei reports the follow- ing: 'Wie mir der Leiter der hiesigen Kriminalpolizei glaub- wrdig mitteilte, sind in der nacht von 15. zum 16.5.1940, also kurz nach der Kapitulation der Niederl„nde, insgesamt ber 80 Selbstmorde in der Stadt Amsterdam festgestellt word- en. An den folgenden Tagen kamen noch etwa 40 dazu, so dass sich nachdem die Anzahl der Selbstmorde in der Stadt Amsterdam auf bisher 120 bis 130 ...'
'Like the commander of the criminal police here credibly reported to me, there have been over 80 cases of suicide in Amsterdam in the night of 15. on 16.5.1940, shortly after the capitulation of the Netherlands. The next day another 40 were reported, thus bringing the total number of suicides in Am- sterdam until now, to 120 to 130 ...' (the rest is illegible J.S.) 12 13 14


The refugees were arrested, leave, sometimes return, are arrested again, this time by the new people in power, commit suicide. They are always on the move, or to be correct they are always moved around. Because without permission they are not allowed to leave. On june 24 1940 secretary-general Tenk- ink of the Ministry of Justice declares: 'refugees who have entered after march 1 1938, can not change their domicile to another community without previously getting my permission'.15 Four days later Tenkink's claim follows that all 'non-arian foreigners' which have left Germany after 1 january 1933 have to report to the local police in order to enable a central registration of all non-arian foreigners, 'in view of direc- tions received by me'.16
The most unreliable among them, for example those who are both communist and jew, were arrested by the Sicherheitspolizei in cooperation with the Dutch police. This concerned people who reported to the distribution offices like everyone, and then were arrested by the Dutch police, working with lists of foreigners, and transferred to the Sicherheitspolizei.17 'Wei- ter wurden folgenden bereits vor Ausbruch des Krieges durch die Holl„ndische polizei festgenommen und im Internierungs- lager Nieuwersluis untergebrachten Deutschen Emigranten von der Einsatzgruppen bernommen.'18
'Further German Immigrants were transferred to the Einsatz- gruppen, who had already been arrested and detained in Intern- ment camp Nieuwersluis, before the start of the war'.18

The non-arian foreigners undergo from the first what many of the other jews will experience later. 'Guinea pigs' they have been called and that they already were before the Enemy invaded the country.19 Registration, raids and forced trans- ports were their share, even before the German forces arrived. After may 15 this went on, sometimes in cooperation with, and also under pressure of, the German authorities. But whatever happened under pressure of the Germans - prohibition of moving by non-dutch jews, their forced moving from the coastal area in september 1940 and again registration- to the Dutch autho- rities they remained regulations directed at foreigners. The Germans did not touch citizens belonging to the Dutch state. For the time being these properties were left in peace and did not have to be defended by the Dutch state.20

Alfred Kohn and Ernst Cahn

Alfred Kohn and Ernst Cahn are German-jewish immigrants. They own two ice-cream parlours -named KoCo- in Amsterdam South- East. On february 19 1941, the German Ordnungspolizei force their way in to the parlour in the van Woustraat. According to the Germans there they were sprayed with a corrosive liquid and shot at. Probably this is not true, but who cares about the truth? Cahn and Kohn are German jews and therefor arrested. On march 3 1941 Ernst Cahn is executed by the fir- ing-squad. He, being a German jew, is the first in the Nether- lands to be stricken by such a fate.
What follows after the arrest of Kohn and Cahn, is known. As a reprisal for the acting of 'jdische Emigranten' two raids follow at 22 and 23 february in which 425 jewish men are arrested. In reaction to that Amsterdam is hit by a major strike on 25 february. Less well known, but at least as remar- kable, is the position of jewish refugees in the days of february 1941.
When the strike is over and the German authorities are looking for the guilty and responsible of the strike, one of them is of the opinion that the raids could better be held among German jews instead of in the jewish areas of Amsterdam: 'Meines Erachtens w„re die Erregung der Amsterdamer Bev”lke- rung wesentlich geringer gewesen, wenn man die Geiselaktion gegen die in Amsterdam-Sd sesshaften jdischen Emigranten durchgefhrt h„tte.'21
'In my opinion the aggravation of the people of Amsterdam would have been less when the hostage-action had been directed to the in south-Amsterdam living jewish immigrants.'21 Without clear reason this assumption that a raid under jewish immigrants would have led to less protest? Maybe, but a pro- posal of the Dutch authorities points in the same direction: 'Would it be possible to accomplish to exchange 400 jewish immigrants for 400 Dutch jews?'22 It was unreasonable to let Dutch people, although they were jewish, be punished for something immigrants did. Or in the words of the same Dutch authorities: 'the Dutch sense of justice has been offended by the fact that one can see no connection between possible immigrant-riots and mistreatment and deportation of 400 jews from the Netherlands.'23
The next raid in Amsterdam, june 1941, was probably more in concurrence with the Dutch sense of justice in its choice of victims: this time mainly immigrants were arrested. The German authorities would respect the exceptional status of the non-Dutch jews. The foreigners would be first at a lot of anti-jewish measures: in december 1941 they were the first to report for 'voluntarily emigration' and when beginning 1942 the jews have to leave the province of Amsterdam, the destina- tion for the foreign jews is already Westerbork.
On june 22 1942 Obersturmbahnfhrer Eichmann announces that there a start can be made with the 'Arbeitseinsatz in Ausch- witz' (workdeployment in Auschwitz) for 400,000 Dutch jews. Other German institutions have no objection, but would like to see that the foreign jews were the first to leave: because of 'psychologische Rckwirkungen' (psychological reactions) it would be better the non-Dutch first 'zu erfassen' (to get a hold of).24

1 Rijksinstituut voor Oorlogsdocumentatie (RvO) CNO BIZA 159 e, box 104
2 Quarantaine-institution, originaly there the infectously ill were isolated.
3 Camps for illegals were a.o. in Hoek van Holland, Reuver, Hellevoetsluis and Norg. The housing was far worse then in the 'legal' camps, the food better and the regime much more strict. See: D. Cohen, Zwervend en dolend. De joodse vluchte- lingen in de jaren 1933-1940, z.p. 1955 p.130
4 C.K. Berghuis, Joodse vluchtelingen in Nederland 38-40. Documenten betreffende toelating, uitleiding en kampopname. Kampen z.j. Rapport inspecteur van politie Bessems 8 januari 1939, p.68
5 Diary of Erwin Kumpelmacher 1 january 1938 - 31 december 1938. In: Berghuis, Joodse vluchtelingen in Nederland 38-40, p.51-52
6 A distribution mastercard is a kind of identity paper with which distribution coupons could be obtained and with those coupons products could be obtained that were rationed.
7 Afdeling Burgerlijke Stand en Bevolkingsregister en verkie- zingen, GAA 5176, map 103 (distributie)
8 Yearreport Gemeente Amsterdam 1940. Police (GAA) 9 de Telegraaf 1 february 1940 (morning paper) and 13 march 1940 (evening paper)
10 Volksdagblad 6 may 1940
11 J. Koolhaas Reevers, Evacuaties in Nederland 1939-1940. z.p., 1950, p.266
12 RvO, collection 206, 500-3-151, Lage bericht Einsatz- kommando III, 3 june 1940 13 RvO, collection 206, 500-3-151. Lagebericht Einsatzkommando III, 3 june 1940
14 RvO 206, 500-3-155, Lagebericht Einsatzkommando III SIPO 3 june
15 RvO, CNO Departement van Justitie 19 L
16 Idem
17 RvO, Meldungen aus die Niederlanden 3 6 july 1940. HSSPF 28a
18 RVo, collection 206, 500-3-151, Lagebericht Einsatzkommando Sipo/SD III, 3 june 1940
19 J. Presser, Ondergang, Den Haag 1985. part i, p.421 20 Like the Dutch authorities the French state did not con- sider foreign refugees as its citizens. They did not need protection from German measures. When the Germans interfered with French citizens matters were different. That was con- ceived as an attack on French sovereignity. The reaction was then: self-defense.
'The refugees were poor, alone and conspicuous. Above all, they had too little protection. (...) These immigrants were more vulnerable to anti-Jewish action than the established segment. (...) In France, Jewish immgrants were sacrificed in an attempt to save the long-assimilated Jews.' R. Hilberg, The destruction of the European Jews. New York 1985, p.569
21 RvO 10-22, Letter of Hans B”hmcker to Seyss-Inquart 8 march 1941
22 RvO CNO, minutes of the secretary-general 27 february 1941. The secretary-generals were the highest Dutch authorities in the occupied Netherlands.
23 Idem
24 Presser, Ondergang, p. 246-247. In the end everything worked out far more chaotic than expected. In the first train which leaves from Westerbork to Auschwitz on 15 july 1942, there are 950 Jews from Amsterdam, Dutch and non-Dutch, 50 orphans and 100 adults from the camp itself. This group of 150 people consisted of foreign Jews only. See: F. Schwarz, Trei- nen op een dood spoor, Amsterdam 194, p.113-114