Friday, October 6, 2000
Joseph's
amazingly bottomless tomb
By Zvi Bar'el
"You've
got permission to vacate Joseph's Tomb, if you've reached
the conclusion
that you need to in order to save the soldiers' lives,"
then defense minister Yitzhak Mordechai
declared four years ago. In
September 1996,
Mordechai communicated his decision to IDF
Central
Commander Uzi Dayan. The IDF officer subsequently
decided that
the situation didn't justify a clear-out operation at
Joseph's Tomb.
The result of Dayan's decision was that six IDF
soldiers were
killed, and many others were wounded - and all of the
casualties came
from the team sent in from the "Heruv" unit to rescue
trapped
soldiers.At the time, Haredi MK Moshe Gafni was quoted as
saying that "I don't think that in
the long term we need to continue as
an enclave
surrounded by an Arab mass at Joseph's Tomb. We
should consider
the option of not remaining in such enclaves." Gafni
asked only that
Jews not vacate Joseph's Tomb too soon, so as to
"not
create a feeling of surrendering to terror."
Gafni's
proposal went unanswered. Eight months later, in April 1997,
Joseph's Tomb
was attacked again. IDF officers deliberated about
the option of
using a tank convoy or combat helicopters to rebuff the
attack. Worried about Palestinian sniper
fire, they decided against
using
helicopters. Fortunately, Palestinian security forces managed to
restrain
enraged masses; so the IDF was spared the need to deploy a
major military
operation tantamount to the re-conquest of Nablus.
The four years
that have gone by since then must count as a stretch of
time sufficiently ample to defuse allegations that a
withdrawal from
Joseph's Tomb
is a concession to Netanyahu-era terror.
It's also worth
recalling that the yeshiva students who gathered at
Joseph's Tomb
under a special residence entitlement written into the
Oslo II
agreement are right-wing extremists. Restraining orders were
issued against
some of them in the past, in response to acts of
incitement they
perpetrated. Two of them jeered the Samaria district
IDF commander,
calling him a traitor and a racist. The yeshiva's head,
Rabbi Yitzhak Ginsberg, also was
subjected to a restraining writ -
among other
reasons, the order was issued because the rabbi
declared that
"thou shall not murder" doesn't protect non-Jews.
The large
number of casualties at Joseph's Tomb, and the objective
military
assessment that the site is indefensible, might not suffice to
dissuade opponents of withdrawal from the
Nablus area Jewish
enclave.
They hold that
the sanctity of the site justifies a continued Jewish
presence there,
whatever the cost. But their contention can be
challenged on
religious-historic grounds. There's another Joseph's
Tomb in the
Cave of Patriarchs, near the burial places of Abraham,
Isaac, Jacob and their wives. Joseph doesn't need
another spare,
amazingly
bottomless tomb in Nablus.
The Netzarim
settlement, alas, isn't buttressed by claims about Jewish
sanctity. Located between northern and
southern ends of the Gaza
Strip, the
settlement is exceptionally difficult to defend. Were a final
status
agreement with the Palestinians to be in effect now, Netzarim
wouldn't be on
the map. It tops a short list of Jewish settlements
slated for
removal once an agreement is signed. It appears that the
settlement's purpose is to serve as negotiation gambit -
it is to be
offered for
removal so that larger, stronger Jewish settlements will
remain in
place.
Yet prior to that day when Netzarim plays
its designated role, the
defense of the
small Jewish settlement continues to require the
deployment of a
large number of IDF troops. Sometimes the number
of soldiers
out-number the settlement's vacant homes by a factor of
ten to one. The
Netzarim settlers are a constant target of terror
attempts.
Netzarim's women and children travel in extensively
guarded
convoys. The much-fortified entrance route to the settlement
resembles that
of a nuclear facility.
In security terms,
Netzarim's importance is negligible. In fact, its
security impact
is negative - it is a constant site of violent friction
between IDF
soldiers and Palestinian security forces. During the past
week, the IDF
fought at Netzarim as though the settlement were the
legendary Tel
Hai of yore, as though it were a stronghold whose fate
is crucial to
the nation's morale.
Netzarim and
Joseph's Tomb have turned into symbols of the State of
Israel's
endurance and steadfast will. But their "prestige" remains valid
so long as a
peace agreement isn't signed. The moment an agreement
is forged, the
enclaves will be ripped from the map the way a price
tag is taken
off a sold product. But there's a catch: by remaining on
the ground,
pending the realization of a peace agreement, they're
liable to help
obstruct efforts to attain the elusive peace pact
©
copyright 2000 Ha'aretz. All Rights Reserved
The pessimists were
right/By Yoel
Marcus
The lessons of the
rioting/By Ze'ev Schiff
Without live bullets, without
dead bodies/By Nehemia
Strasler
The NIS 4 billion
question/By Nehemia Strasler
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